In this final section Carrier seeks primarily to argue that the NT offers a picture of a "spiritual" resurrection
rather than a physical one. Much of what is offered is refuted sufficiently
in our item here, but much else beside remains.
1 Cor. 9:19-23 is misinterpreted; see here --
Carrier hypothesizes a "just so" story in which evangelists
change allegiances from "spiritual" to "physical" at the drop of a hat,
but apparently this misuse of 1 Cor. 9 is all that constitutes the
evidence, beyond the demand-expectation that epistle
writers should have anticipated his questions about the empty tomb, or
detailed how the opposition went to the tomb and found it empty. The
testimony of two witnesses was enough for a Jew; they had many more on
their side already, and lack of dispute in the epistles over whether
the tomb was empty is not to be expected as all of these were written
to Christians well beyond the missionary stage, when that question would
already have been discussed and settled. Finally, as shown here,
there is every reason to suppose that such claims would have been investigated. (I have answered Carrier's critique of that item also.)
The next appeal is to syncretism. Carrier produces a list of cites (but no quotes) supposedly showing that "traditions of physical resurrection already existed," but as the first example is that of Zalmoxis, and as some date later than Christianity (Apollonius), and others from the OT are not resurrections expect by a broad "anyone returning from death is resurrected" definition, we are content to dismiss the cites as irrelevant and not of true resurrections unless proven otherwise.
Moreover, the only evidence Christians offer for this "anathema" theory is Acts 17:30-32, but that passage actually proves that many Greeks were receptive to the idea. The passage tells us that "some of [the Greeks] sneered, but others said 'we want to hear you again on this subject'...[and] a few became followers of Paul and believed." Does this look like the idea was "anathema" to the Greek mind? Hardly.
It shows that it was indeed "anathema" --
and could only be overcome by sufficient evidence. The sneering is undoubtedly
equivalent. The "we want to hear more" may be interest, or it may (more
likely) be polite dismissal. ("Don't call us, we'll call you." -- anathematization
did not require rudeness.) But this is, despite Carrier, far from "the
only evidence" and we again refer to the link above.
From here we are treated to
a series of "just so" re-interpratations of Jesus' post-resurrection
appearances. The accounts of Paul in Acts are dismissed for first being
contradictory; see here, and as well are
dismissed as due to medical disorder, for which there is given no evidence save speculation. It is said:
But the fact that no one, not even Paul, saw Jesus in the flesh makes the point well enough. Most importantly, Paul never says in his letters that he ever saw Jesus in the flesh (he even denies it in Galatians 1).
One wonders where this is to
be found in Galatians 1, but beyond that we have a curiosity. Typical
disbelieving scholarship has tended to regard Acts as fabricated, and
Paul's letters as reliable. As noted in the link above, Paul's 1 Cor.
15 report can only be reckoned in terms of him being witness to a physical,
resurrected body. So the argument is between a rock and a hard place.
For our part, we may note that the consensus that Acts certainly compresses
Paul's speeches and experiences is enough to answer this point. Just
in case, though, we are given: "...the story could
be embellished or fabricated at leisure, for whatever reason." It could
also have been trimmed or toned down, "for whatever reason." One faith-punt
is as good as another if we choose to beg the question.
Further assumption is based on the premise of Markan priority (see our series here). The next move is to ascribe motives to Paul for preaching the resurrection. Aside from acting as Paul's personal psychologist and positing hidden guilt -- a method that will not work, for in this time, guilt was an unknown force -- we have this:
Paul may have seen the clouds gathering on the horizon--the coming Jewish War. The Judaism of Jesus--Jesus was not a heretic, after all, but a proper Jew, and taught a reform of Judaism--offered an ideal solution to what any intelligent man would have seen to be the impending doom of his people and his faith. Violence was certain to bring about the destruction of Jerusalem by Rome...And the Jewish desire for a savior was becoming militarized. Josephus records the rising violent messianism rising from the twenties all the way to the war in the sixties.
This "just so" account
fails on a few points. For one thing, Jesus clearly predicted the coming
destruction of Jerusalem and gave it no quarter, which hardly comports
with recognizing his way as the right one to do "non-violent submission".
Second, there is no logical connection between preaching a physical resurrection
and the prevention of violence -- it would have been just as well, if
not much easier, to preach that Jesus' body was translated like Moses'
or Elijah's; or else even easier to recognize Jesus as a true prophet.
No previous Jewish prophet needed to be resurrected to be recognized.
The prophet test was not "Was he resurrected?" but, "Did what he said
come to pass?" (as prescribed in Deuteronomy). Third, again, the Jews
already believed in "a displacement of present complaints by promissing
an accounting after death," they did not need Jesus to tell them this.
Fourth, the suggestion of Paul seeing a benefit in "the expansion of
the faith beyond racial limits" ignores the prevelant association of
race and religion in the ancient Mediterranean, and the innovative exclusivism
of the Christian faith; this is not to be compared to the syncretistic
Asian cults, with which there was a Roman fascination -- the attempt
to turn Paul into a tolerance advocate is completely
counter to all conceptions of ancient personality and thinking. One did
not appease the Romans with a religion that still violated all of their
perceptions (more of them), still regarded their virtues as misguided,
still demanded exclusive worship of a God they disdained while rejecting
the other deities, overturned their preferred social order, and converted
their people to accomplish its ends. Finally, the idea that there was
some idea of removing focus from the Temple as a "hotbed of violence" stumbles
upon the response that ideology and attitude, not geography, was at the
core of the violence; lacking a Temple did not prevent the revolt under
Bar Kochba; violence occurred in other precints than the Temple; and
Jerusalem Christians, and Paul, still met at the Temple and considered
it a worthwhile place to worship.
On Acts vs. Galatians on Paul's conversion, see here.
Next among what is unique, we embark upon the matter of the Gospels' reportage. Mark, to begin:
Without the late addition to Mark, all Mark says is that there was the expectation of an appearance. He does not record an actual appearance. Why would that be? The Christian must explain this. It is not enough to say some ending was lost and then added or replaced, since the manuscripts of Mark are among the earliest we have, and these lack any ending at all. Why would an ending be lost so quickly? And if it was, what did it say?
It is quite enough to say the
ending was lost, and we need no more special "explanation" for this than
we do for the loss of pieces of Tacitus' Histories or of entire
books of history. Many ancient documents are damaged; almost all are
now lost. Quickly? By any account it took about 150 years to lose Mark's
ending; what does Carrier suppose is the minimum time needed for
such a thing to happen? What did it say? Why ask other than to imply
that it is a problem? It could just as easily more to help our case.
We are told: "I am inclined to think that Mark ended it there because
appearances were not actually important to the original faith (as Stephen's
speech suggests)." Stephen's speech suggests no such thing, as we have
already noted, and in any event if Carrier accepts the standard
dating, Paul's creedal statement in 1 Cor. 15 far predates Mark -- and
it probably predates it anyway. Of course at this point we expect the
standard hypothesis stacked on hypothesis: Mark represents one stream
of tradition, Paul another.
The meaning of the resurrection could also have originally been part of a secret doctrine of initiation. Peter's use of the terminology of a mystery religion suggests this possibility, and John's description of the Thomas episode behind closed doors also looks like such a ceremony (more on this below), and the obvious confusion in all the gospels as to what actually happened after his death could easily be the result of a once-secret doctrine now being corrupted as bits of it enter public knowledge, or as speculation generates its own answers.
We will indeed look at "more below" but in the meantime, what of this note of Peter using "mystery religion" terminology? We will see a specific below -- it is found under the same premise that others find a Gnostic Paul: by taking general terminology as exclusive.
The Markan passages are consistent with the possibility that a spiritual resurrection was meant, and the wording even suggests that a physical appearance might not have been meant. The most basic meaning of both passages in Greek is "I will escort you {plural} into Galilee" (proaxô hymas eis tên Galilaian, 14.28) and "he escorts you {plural} into Galilee" (proagei hymas eis tên Galilaian, 16.7).
The verb proagô means "to lead foreward, or to lead before"...When an accusative object appears (and in both passages it does: the pronoun "you" (plural), hymas), it must be transitive, and that means it must mean in some sense lead. Why would Jesus (or Mark) choose this verb, instead of a dozen others that actually mean "go before"?...The phrase may have simply meant that his spirit would be upon them and lead them, inspire them, to go to Galilee--where, for instance, there would be a vision concerning him, a concept present throughout Acts and the epistles. Indeed, I must say that this is the most likely interpretation.
Of course Carrier "must" say
this, but it is in error. What if it does mean, "lead" in
this sense? Then the idea of "there would be a vision concerning him" is
merely tacked on with no justification. It is just as well said, "there
would be a physical appearance by him" or "there will be a juggling contest
starring him." Whether it is proverbial or unique is beside the
point and proves nothing in this context. In any event, one can
just as well see Carrier arguing, even if wrong (as indicated by
Witherington, Mark commentary, 377), that Jesus "went ahead" in the form
of a spirit and did not have a resurrection body to speak of.
The next step is to dismiss Paul's 500 witnesses. Again we would note that within the contexts described here that 500 witnesses are a plausible and necessary corollary of the spread of Christianity. Other than once again dismissing Paul's testimony of himself as above, and trying to blunt the force of "appeared" by noting that it is often used to say "appeared in a vision" (which makes no difference, since the key function of the word is the appearing itself, not the mode; to say "I have seen the accident" is not invalidated because someone else says, "I have seen a purple rhinoceros"), and once again misusing 1 Cor. 9 and Acts 9/22/26 vs Galatians (see links above), and positing visionary experiences not justified by the language of 1 Cor. 15 (see link at top), we have this against the 1 Cor. 15 creed:
- "...a vague, unconfirmable,
hyperbolic assertion is just the sort of claim all men ought to suspect
as rhetorical."
This assumes that Paul is presenting this claim for the first time upon the unsuspecting Corinthians. But Carrier fails to note, first, that Paul is reminding the Corinthians of this matter; second, that 1 Cor. 15:3 and following is in the form of a creedal statement, from which the expectation of "detailed" and of witness names is unreasonable.
"Unconfirmable" is merely asserted -- the witnesses were quite confirmable, and as shown in the link above, would be required for the faith to spread.
"Hyperbolic" is merely a begged question -- what is unreasonable about 500 people witnessing the resurrected Jesus? Nothing -- unless we assume that it is not reasonable in the first place. Did the ancient world have less than 500 people living in it? Is there some reason why Jesus could not have had upwards of 500 followers in the whole Jewish population? One may as well suspect this objection as "rhetorical" on the grounds of being vague and too readily dismissive.
For empahasis let us stress these points. Paul's letters, written between 49 and 65 A.D., exhibit the same fully-evolved Christology; logically, he must have gotten it from sometime earlier than 49 A.D. Paul cites creeds, hymns and sayings of Jesus that must have been come from earlier (Rom. 1:3-4; 1 Cor. 11:23; 1 Cor. 15:3ff; Col. 1:15-16; Phil. 2:6-11; 1 Tim. 3:16; 2 Tim. 2:8); these items translate easily into Aramaic and show features of Hebrew poetry and thought-forms, which allows us to trace their origins to Jesus' first followers in Judea, between 33 and 48 A.D. -- their contextual use does not, despite Carrier, submit the speculation that Paul invented the creeds himself as an Aramaic speaker.
The 500 witnesses are part of a creedal statement and barring absurd and unjustified assumptions of interpolation (as refuted here) cannot simply be dismissed as "vague, etc" because Paul did not meet our absurd demand-expectations 2000 years later and because we wish to assume that all persons who heard this were apathetic and ignorant fanatics who swallowed the Christian Gospel whole. In fact as shown in the link above, this would be far from the case.
- "Paul could also have been
reporting hearsay, which I think is most likely--after all, I seriously
doubt he interviewed over 500 people, and so should you."
That this would be "hearsay" in a modern legal sense is of no relevance -- most everything reported in history and in the world is hearsay by that definition. Moreover, this is a church Paul persecuted to all points, and he travelled extensively; he would have been able to meet a substantial number of these witnesses in these travels, and may have even targeted them as a persecutor.
There is no grounds for deeming "hearsay" as unlikely, or dismissing it for that matter -- other than a begged question.
- It
is said, "Paul is clearly trying to explain what the resurrected body
is like, of which Christ's resurrection is the first fruit, to Christians
in Corinth who want to know. Yet he works entirely from first principles,
building a theological, scripturally-based argument. He never once
does the obvious: simply quote the witness of the Disciples who saw
Jesus' resurrected body. Yet wouldn't that make more sense?"
It did, and that is exactly what Paul did when he quoted the creed in response to the Corinthians' denial of the resurrection body. The creed was a compact summary of the apostolic witness to the Resurrection.
Testimony of Peter's letters
(and Jude and James, etc) are dismissed on the same grounds as before
(i.e., unreasonable expectations for a modern readers' doubts; wanting mention
of an empty tomb, et al where the context offers no reason to do so),
but we do return to a point previously made: it is said that Peter "argues
that he was an eyewitness" using the word epoptê, "literally an
initiate in the highest rank of a mystery religion, but also meaning
spectator..." (2 Pet. 1:16) And thus we presume are we to believe that
Peter's vision of Jesus was that of a mystic vision, but Carrier has covered himself properly here. It also means "spectator" --
yes, and thus, there is no inherent meaning that demands a member of
the mystery school. Beyond that: This passage does mean the Transfiguration,
yes; but it is far from evident that it may be taken thereby that "it
shows that the Resurrection appearances were not considered the most
important evidence of divinity." As noted in the Synoptics, the Transfiguration
was intimately tied to the coming of Jesus in power; it was seen as a
prefigurement. Peter isn't fighting here an idea that Jesus was not resurrected;
he is countering claims concerning the supposed falsity of Jesus' parousia ("coming" in
v. 16, and 2 Peter 3:4). The matter is not "evidence of divinity" that
appeal to a resurrection appearance could solve; the matter is refuting
the contention that Jesus made a prophecy that was false. (And
on that matter, see here.
Carrier's next attempt to blot out a physical resurrection turns upon a re-reading of Philippians 3:
...this entire chapter is couched within a spurn-the-flesh and glorify-the-spirit theme. Paul has no confidence in the flesh anymore (3:3), and he equates confidence in the flesh with living as a Pharisee (3:4-5) when he was a persecutor (3:6) and not a Christian, and he rejected that law (and thus Pharisaism by implication from 3:5) when he took to Christ (3:9). Thus, Paul is emphasizing that he is not a Pharisee, but a Christian, and has rejected Pharisaic obsessions with the law and with the flesh.
But here again, as in 1 Cor. 15, Carrier fails to recognize "flesh" as a metaphor for human weakness. (See again link atop.) The premise that Paul could have abandoned a Pharasaic view of resurrection as he did their view on the law is not only contradicted by Acts 23:6, but is a false analogy: It was Christ's very atoning work that led Paul to reject the Pharasaic take on the law, and there is no corresponding supersedence to cite at all for abandoning the view of resurrection, unless we assume first that Jesus was not resurrected after a physical fashion. Moreover, did Paul abandon every Pharasaic doctrine?
On the matter of Zoroaster, see here. Carrier's polemical accusation that William Lane Craig "sidesteps the fact that no one saw Jesus rise from the dead" fails to report that no one has ever used witness to the actual resurrection as an argument. We are also offered insurance arguments:
- ...of grave robbers (see link)...
- ...of "the old switcheroo." As
I have noted elsewhere, this one isn't even developed enough to deserve
the title of "argument": If Joseph was not on Jesus' side as the Gospels
suggest, he would have had no concern for Jesus' body to be defiled,
and would have put in the graveyard or allowed it to be put there,
and no motive to give a false location. If Joseph was a disciple as
the Gospels suggest, then where did the body start, what location did
he falsely give, where did the body actually go, how did he manage
the end-around, and what happened as a result?
Such a tactic would foolish and ineffectual -- by Mishnah rules cited, when the time came for the body to be extracted from wherever Joseph reported (and one must ask, who is he reporting to, and would he report the same to the Sanhedrin and the disciples, and if not, what of applying pressure to the disciples to 'fess up?), it would be all too obvious that he had pulled a fast one (the Sanhredin would not buy the "resurrected body" excuse any more than Carrier).
If there was no body at all especially, but even then, whose tomb did Joseph get permission to "do the burial" in and why would they be inclined to give him permission? There would also be ripples of apologetic response defending the location of the burial, which we do not see at all, and inevitable results to Joseph's well-intentioned lie.
Like Schoenfield's Passover Plot this can only work by adding layers of speculation, otherwise unknown and (in context) ungrounded persons and helpers, and a vast presumption of ancient gullibility and apathy. If this is permitted, then what barrier is there to having Joseph have Nicodemus there even if he is not mentioned in the Synoptics?
Argument is then offered that Joseph's tomb was intended as a temporary storage place (see Glenn Miller's item linked at the end of part 2). Elsewhere it is noted that the body would be moved by Sunday morning. This of course assumes that Joseph was no friend of Jesus, and would have no problem refuting resurrection claims by noting, "Hey, it's over there, guys." But just as much must Carrier dispose of Joseph:
We do not know what happened to Joseph, or what his interest in the religion was, so we do not know if he would have tried to refute the resurrection stories that came out months later, or let them flourish for the good of the creed, or if he was dead himself and thus no one who had any influence knew that he had moved the body.
Indeed! Actually we do know what Joseph's interest was; the Gospels tell us, but that won't work with Carrier's thesis and so must of necessity be discarded. Now why, though, if he disagreed, would he not tried to have refute the stories?
The "good of the creed" suggestion works here no better than for Paul. The "he was dead" suggestion sounds promising, if not too convenient for Skeptics, but had Joseph no family, no servants, no friends, no obligation to report to his peers? Carrier thinks that Joseph as a Sanhedrin member stepped up to do obliged burial duty; does he think that in this scenario Joseph did it on his own and without consultation? And then what of Nicodemus? (We know: "Only one mentions it...") Would he have been disinterested in refuting them?
Men who followed one buried in his own tomb were now preaching eternal salvation based on that man, an offense to the piety of Judaism, and he would not be interested? As a member of the Sanhedrin, whose power and prestige were threatened and mocked, you can bet your shekels he would be interested. But as far as Carrier is concerned, any speculation, no matter how contrary to evidence and reality, will do. I am surprised it is not suggested that Joseph was kidnapped by the Christians and killed -- or taken by space aliens.
On the matter of lack of veneration of the tomb, we have the argument used by Earl Doherty, refuted here.
And now back to the Synoptics again. On the misuse of Matthew 28:17, see our previous essay. Use of Mark 16:12 is illicit, despite Carrier's supposition to the contrary, as it appears in the text at least 150 years after the fact. There can be no grounds for using this passage to prove anything.
The appearance recorded in Luke 24.16 to Cleopas and another (despite Carrier's suggestion, not Peter) is described, and it is said, "there is enough that is odd about this account to place in doubt the belief that Jesus actually appeared to them."
No logical connection is made to "oddity" and the implication that this means there should be doubt of an appearance, and it is not explained what exactly is "odd" about the account. The ancients would not have found it odd; we have accounts told of gods disappearing in this fashion (and we next anticipate the "it was stolen from those," versus Jesus meeting expectations of his contemporaries on this point).
Luke 24.36-50 is multiply rejected away with the suggestion that "it is possible that this ending did not exist in earlier versions of Luke," but there is not a shred of textual evidence for such a position, with the premise of Markan priority and Gospel interdependence (see above link), and the suggestion of "a group vision arising from religious hysteria" or "the invention of the story by the eleven in order to give their continuation of Jesus' ministry more authority."
That is some hallucination indeed that can carry on rational conversations, eat fish (we hope it also did the dishes and didn't leave bones on the plate), can be handled, and can even walk all the way out to Bethany with them.
"They made it up" is much handier and easier to use, but unless evidence negating this point is dealt with it's no more than groundless guesswork (see links above, especially beginning paragraph).
And Mary Magdelene's special look:
Mary assumes at first that it is the gardener, then she falls into his arms weeping (20.13-17) and takes him to be Jesus, reporting some religious message of his to her later listeners. All of this suggests a vision, or at least that what she saw was not Jesus but some bystander, like the gardener, that she took to be Jesus, and she then imagined the rest or made it up so as to encourage the other mourners with the possibility that their leader was spiritually triumphant.
All of this smacks of convenience, plugging in "imagined" or "made it up" where any other option fails; though were this the only appearance of Jesus, we might stretch it to the realm of improbable possibility.
It is not "very odd that she did not know who it was until he spoke." Why is this odd? How is Carrier's voice recognition capability -- perfect score? Even in a state of distracted grief?
Further questions as to why Jesus did not go along are moot since he went on to appear to others (see below) though one may ask whether there is some semblance of balance in suggesting that the following ruckus of public appearanes, and the reaction and chaos that would follow, makes the methods at hand more reasonable.
The "wrong tomb" suggestion is also offered, though this is epistemically baseless without data on the number of tombs that could have been subject to mistake, how full the directions and signs were to identify the tomb (the collapsed statement, "apart from whatever directions Mary gave them" is made to sound vague, but does not establish that her directions or descriptions were vague); it ignores the finding of the graveclothes (were those put in by someone for "the good of the creed" perhaps?), and that such a mistake would be all to obvious to point out.
Appearances recorded by John are dismissed thusly:
John 20.19 records that when Jesus appeared to the others, it is after Mary's impassioned story, while all are mourning and have locked themselves indoors "in fear of the Jews" . This is a situation ripe for hallucination (dark place, hopes stirred, fear raging, strong desire for reassurance; see my discussion of hallucination and the Gospel stories), or invention (what goes on behind locked doors to a priveleged few, who need to cook up something to save their *ss [by gaining supporters to protect them from their persecutors], is easily suspect).
Carrier's methodology is far more suspect here. A dark place? Where does it say that? (It was evening outside, but what of torches or other lighting implements?)
Hopes stirred? Hardly -- as noted here the hope instilled would still not anticipate a resurrected body or an appearance.
Fear "raging"? Where is the proof of this? Is it not possible to express a rational fear?
Strong desire for reassurance? Again, where is this, other than in Carrier's imagination (and contrary to the conventional wisdom of the day which regarded defeat as permanent)?
Invention? That falls on the rocks of the material linked above; none of this would "save their *ss" (or any other part of the bodies) but would make things far worse, if not impossible to live with. Proclaiming a resurrected Jesus would gain no support and stop no persecutor at all. If this was the route taken, then Christianity should have disappeared from history by 120 AD at the latest. The motive and means to be true witnesses are more apparent and far more compelling.
Finally John's last recorded appearance hypothesizes that John and Peter alone saw this person as Jesus on the shore, and says further:
But when they all come to eat with this stranger, 21.12 says that "none of them dared to ask him, 'Who are you?', knowing that he was the lord". Why would they feel the need to ask him who he is, unless it was not obvious to them? The verb tolmaô means "be brave enough to, dare to" and this entails that they were afraid to ask, in other words afraid to gainsay their leader Peter, or Jesus' unnamed favorite.
It entails no such thing. How would the five be "afraid" to gainsay only the word of two? Did this stranger just accept the designation, and why? (For the "good of the creed"?)
Is fear indeed implied? (It is not always so elsewhere with tolmao: Matt. 22:46 "And no man was able to answer him a word, neither durst any man from that day forth ask him any more questions."; Rom. 5:7, "For scarcely for a righteous man will one die: yet peradventure for a good man some would even dare to die."
It just as well means -- in light of the previous experiences -- that they now knew better than to question when the evidence was so clear; in this case, a clear repeat of the miracle of a miraculous catch. Fear and the linked argument is found here only in Carrier's imagination.
It is added:
Perhaps they went along out of compassion for this distraught man, or perhaps they were persuaded by his conviction, for they certainly did not see Jesus, or at least the account does not say so. The verb oida here, again, means to know (by having seen or understood), and so they may have understood the stranger to be Jesus even though it did not appear to be him.
"Compassion" for such things is unlikely; in a collectivist society, this sort of behavior would have been suppressed, not sympathized with, and no cause for agreement.
As for the verb, it is used numerous times of things plainly seen and understood for what they are; and if it was not Jesus, who was it, why were they making food, how did he manage to imitate Peter's threefold denial, what business did he have asking if Peter loved him, and so on?
On the matter of "anonymous" eyewitnesses and Lukan authorship see here. On the matter of alleged Lukan mishandling of Paul see link above. It is also worth noting the begged question that Luke's belief in demons makes him an unreliable witness.
Carrier closes out his project with:
One final word about "secular" history is necessary. It amazes me how Christians think us historians are all gullible dupes who "never" dispute anything an ancient historian writes. Indeed, I know of no ancient author, of any genre or subject, whom any modern historian completely trusts--and that even includes the most meticulous of them all, Polybius and Thucydides. The first thing we are taught as historians is not to trust any source. We are taught to find ulterior motives, weaknesses of evidence, the tendency to embellish and regard rumor and myth as fact, the attraction of amazing tales over sober reality (an attraction more than once explicitly stated, in even serious historians like Tacitus), as well as literary features such as redaction, propaganda, and agenda.
I have some doubts that this as described is what, or rather everything, historians are taught (and if they are, it only makes them arrogant and presumptive as Carrier has been), but even so, I doubt much more that any modern historian has gone to the variable lengths that Carrier has in order to rewrite the accounts of the Resurrection. The closest parallel I know of comes from those who say Shakespeare never wrote his own works -- and concoct variables to explain away the positive evidence.
Critical scholar E. P. Sanders, has admitted that the resurrection appearance are insoluble in his view and that he does not know what actually happened. This is a fair assessment. The Gospels are not rendered suspicious via "guilt by association" with other ancient documents merely because of their time and place.
And although he is claimed to have had wealthy supporters (Joseph of Arimathea), by whom he was supposedly believed to be the divine savior of all mankind--the most important person ever to have lived, God Incarnate--somehow no inscriptions of any kind were ever commissioned. But we have the Gospel of Epicurus on stone, commissioned by Diogenes of Oenoanda. He obviously cared more about his savior's message than Joseph did about that of Jesus. What does that tell you?
It tells us no more than that inscriptions were not the way Joseph, or others, saw fit to do it. A wealthy patron commissioned Luke to write his Gospel; wealthy people funded Paul's missionary journeys and likely those of others. An inscription just sits there in one place and says nothing, wears away over time, and appeals mainly to the repuation of the subject and the payee, and at any rate wasn't typically a Jewish method.
But crucified deities were not absurd to the Sumerians, who worshipped the crucified Innana (cf. Samuel Noah Kramer, History Begins at Sumer, 3rd. revised ed., 1981, pp. 154ff.).
Innana was not exactly crucified, and was worshipped as the queen of heaven and goddess of love already at the time the referred event happened -- unlike Jesus, who didn't have much in the way of such an advantage.
"Crucified"? In no sense -- she was hung on a stake after being killed (via a "death stare" by the judges of the underworld, whom she had tricked the gatekeeper to get in to see), and also brought back to life -- vindicated -- which means in this context that Jesus could only have been brought back to life and vindicated also.
Finally, even if we stretch that to "crucified" we still don't have hundreds of years of history behind the practice and the consideration of it as shameful and disgusting, the death of slaves and rebels. The comparison to Innana is off three bases.
The Greeks had Prometheus, who suffered a similar fate, and the very popular religion of Cybele had Attis, a castrated deity whose male priests castrated themselves in their god's honor.
We would note that Prometheus' fate was hardly "similar" (see here), to say nothing of his life; we would add that the whole point is that Prometheus was punished unjustly by a capricious Zeus -- if anything, a Promethus parallel would make things worse, for it would suggest that God was capricious and allowed His only begotten Son to die; and Jesus' sentence was not looked upon as unjust, indeed, he essentially pled guilty to sedition and openly committed blasphemy.
As for Attis -- do you see a church of Attis today? The Attis cults fit the Sabbatai model, although they also did have the advantage of being in a time when the body was considered by many to be base and evil. Under such considerations castration was arguably not absurd at all. In any event there isn't any parallel here to Christianity, which did not die off, and had much worse to defend itself on.
-JPH